This essay is an excerpt from material sourced
from the Melbourne-based Autonomous Web of Liberation email list. It was
written anonymously, 'as the result of long conversations with many different
people. Although many of the issues discussed are surely relevant for
other continents too, the stress has been placed on Western Europe since
this is the part of the world that the people who participated in the
discussions know relatively well. "We", in the context of this
chapter, thus means the people actively involved in autonomous anti-capitalist
resistance in Western Europe.'
One problem we face, related to issues of identity and to classic understandings
of 'unity' and 'resistance', is the strong inclination to react against
'globalisation' with nationalism (sometimes combined with religious fundamentalism).
'Solutions' like these, tailored for specific and select groups of people
at the expense of others, miss the most important positive contribution
that 'globalisation' has to offer to a genuine process of positive social
change. This is the fact that today, more than ever, dreams of international
solidarity and mutual support are within our reach. Such reactions have
already engendered aberrations and tragedies in Europe; see the ascendence
of a fascist party to the Austrian government and the war in former Yugoslavia
(which was engineered with the active participation of Western countries).
But this is only the beginning of what could become a frightening political
evolution for Europe, and possibly the rest of the world, if we allow
the destructive potential of nationalist reactions to unfold without challenge.
And one of the main ways to challenge these reactions is to show to people
who look at the future with anxiety that there are other ways out, other
alternatives based on positive values.
This problem is particularly serious and relevant for us now because
the mainstream media is strengthening nationalist reactions through the
way in which it represents our mobilisations. The mainstream media usually
give the impression that all we are unhappy with is globalisation, neoliberalism
and transnational corporationsbut that we could not object to capitalism
if we as 'citizens' could convince the politicians to 'control' its expansion.
This might happen by making sure that capitalism remained within national
borders, or through global redistribution and control mechanisms like
the Tobin tax.
Unfortunately, this is the stand of many reformist non-government organisations
and so-called 'intellectuals' who have no connections to any grassroots
mobilisation processes in Europe (excepting in France, where things are
a bit different than in most other Western European countries). NGO's
and intellectuals are always looking for opportunities to portray themselves
in the media as 'intellectual leaders' or 'speakers' of 'the movement'.
However, the instrumentalisation of our mobilisations by reformist agendas
is also the responsibility of the anticapitalist grassroots groups that
have done most of the work for these actionsbecause we have not
done very well at making our perspectives more broadly known. Our careful
and sceptical approach to media is a good thing in itself, due to the
very destructive role that media can play for grassroots movements. But
we need to look for ways to make our message clear and loud for all the
people who will not have any direct interaction with us or access our
autonomous and independent media.
Similarly, nationalist organisations, which were almost absent from the
early stages of this process of autonomous anti-capitalist resistance,
are becoming increasingly interested in our actions. The latest example
is the plan by Catalonian nationalists to organise a meeting of 'nations
without state' in Barcelona, to protest against the Development Conference
of the World Bank in that city, in June 2001. [Editor's note: The World
Bank meeting was later cancelled and shifted online.]
The main reason for nationalist movements' sudden interest in global
institutions, when traditionally their field of action has been resistance
against the states where they are located, is public sympathy enjoyed
by the so-called 'anti-globalisation movement'. Of course, they see an
enormous potential to gain political space by projecting nationalism as
a solution to 'globalisation'. Those of us who wouldn't like to see our
work become political ammunition for nationalism should do something about
it very soon, because otherwise it might be too late when we react.
Challenges ahead
In addition to these and other debates, many other challenges will have
to be overcome before the processes of creation of free, autonomous and
self-sustained spaces in Western Europe can become revolutionary.
First of all, we need to work hard on our communication skills, in order
to come to collective understandings, at different levels, of what we
want and how we want to get there. This is not a small challenge, as the
last three years have amply demonstrated. We should also experiment and
improve ways to eliminate all forms and systems of oppression, domination
and discrimination within our own circles. Simultaneously we need to uphold
the right to difference and take precautions against the formation of
dominant collective identities. We need to deal with conflict and dissent
constructively, so that they enrich what we do, instead of dividing us.
Furthermore, a lot more knowledge and skill-sharing will be needed throughout
the process, both on the level of analysis (through seminars, exchange
with people from other parts of the world, etc) in exchanging tools for
organisational and economic self-reliance (communication technologies,
renewable energy, ecological agriculture, languages, etc).
This needs to be accomplished while avoiding the establishment of leaderships
and hierarchies due to specialisation.
Finally, we need to continue the brilliant efforts to develop more efficient
and imaginative ways of transmitting our message to the rest of society
without depending on the mainstream media.
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