REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN WEST PAPUA BY HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

Although the Habibie government had encouraged the National Dialogue, it was clearly not pleased with the political direction it was taking and the widespread support for independence being expressed in the province. From April 1999, the government withdrew its support for the National Dialogue and reverted to methods characteristic of the Soeharto-era in an attempt to stifle the independence movement, rounding up its pro-independence activists and censoring further discussion on the subject. But with the major changes underway nationwide after the fall of Soeharto, in Papua, as elsewhere, opposition voices could no longer be so readily silenced. The result was an uncertain atmosphere in which, even as the government's crackdown on activists was in progress, Papuan leaders continued to assert their right to advocate for Papuan independence.

On March 28, 1999, six independence activists from Bade47 were told by local authorities that they should go to Merauke to represent the residents of their town in a meeting with a local government official, the district head. Upon arrival three of them were detained and three were told to report daily to the police in Merauke. Those ordered to remain in Merauke and report to the police each day were: Elias Mahuse, a forty-three-year-old teacher, who was accused of having assisted a group of former OPM members who had come through Bade to campaign for West Papuan independence several months earlier; and two teachers, forty-seven year old Anton Anweng and Hubertus Wanewop, forty-three, who were charged in connection with their retyping (for lack of a photocopy machine) of the above-described survey of Papuan views on independence, which had been distributed to thirty-two villages in theEdera subdistrict. The three who were detained were Yustus Wafom, a forty-seven-year-old official in a local office of the Education and Culture Ministry, and two men, both farmers, Kayus Yibim and Marius Yimsi, accused of having assisted the group of former OPM members in their campaign for West Papuan independence. The two men said they had complied but only out of fear that they would suffer reprisals if they refused. The men were eventually released in September. 48

On March 30, 1999, Irian Jaya's Governor, Freddy Numberi, issued a secret radiogram, a copy of which Human Rights Watch has since obtained,49 in which he ordered postponement of the National Dialogue because, he asserted, it had produced no concrete results. His message instructed security forces to monitor activists and report all new developments. It also instructed officials in the territory to strictly enforce a 1998 law on public meetings which limits the size of permissible gatherings and requires advance notice to the police.50

Also on March 30, Max Mahuse, the director of YAPSEL, a leading environmental organization in Merauke, was summoned by the police and questioned about his involvement in helping organize the Merauke delegation to the National Dialogue.51

On April 6, the head of the traditional community in Manokwari district, Barnabas Mandacan, sought legal protection after learning that the local police chief had issued orders to interrogate him and to chase "dogs who are demanding independence" out of the city.52

On April 17, provincial police chief Hotman Siagian issued an order banning any further discussion of the meeting with President Habibie. The text of the order, set forth in its entirety below, called for systematic violations of free expression, assembly, and association rights, and required that pro-independence organizations, communications posts, and neighborhood patrols be shut down:

1. That activities related to the discussion and dissemination (socialisasi) of the results of the meeting with President B.J.Habibie with delegates of the people of Irian Jaya by those calling themselves the Team of 100 and the formation of West Papua separatist organizations, communications posts (posko), and neighborhood patrols (satgas) has caused uneasiness, discord, and fear which, if left unattended, may disturb stability, safety, and order in the Irian Jaya police district.
2. That in order to safeguard order and guarantee general safety as well as develop the obedience of members of society toward the law, it is considered necessary to issue this announcement which is applicable in the entire administrative jurisdiction of the Irian Jaya police.

1. Indonesian Criminal Code Articles 154, 160 and 510.
2. Law No. 9/1998, concerning Freedom to Express an Opinion in Public.
3. Law No. 8/1981, concerning the Indonesian Criminal Code.
4. Law No. 28/1997, concerning the Police of the Republic of Indonesia.

1. Bans activities related to the discussion and dissemination of the results of the meeting with president B.J. Habibie with delegates of Irian Jaya which are being carried out by a group that calls itself the Team of 100 in the Irian Jaya police district.
2. Bans the formation of the National Committee of West Papuan Youth (Komite Nasional Pemuda Papua Barat) and similar organizations in the Irian Jaya police district.
3. Bans the building of communications posts (posko) referred to as West Papua posko and similar posko affiliated with the separatist movement in the Irian Jaya police district.
4. Bans the formations of neighborhood patrols (satgas) referred to as West Papua satgas and similar groups in the Irian Jaya police district.
5. All mentioned in points 1, 2, 3 and 4 above are ordered to disperse and stop their activities no later than 3 x 24 hours after the issuing of this announcement.

Issued: Jayapura, April 17, 1999
Head of Irian Jaya Police Drs. Hotman Siagian (Brig. Gen. Police)

On April 29, locally stationed police and soldiers, supplemented by troops brought in from Jayapura and Ujung Pandang, raided seventeen "posko" (short for pos komunikasi- "communication posts"-though the term also doubles as a short form of pos komando- "command posts") in a sweep of Serui town and neighboring villages in the Yapen Waropen district. The "posko" were buildings used by tribal communities (lembaga adat) and temporary meeting posts built by local youths.53

On May 5, seventy-nine people were detained when security forces raided the home of Cunradus Bauw in Fak-Fak. They were held overnight and fined for holding a meeting without a permit. Police confiscated documents and letters about the National Dialogue, as well as a machete, arrows, and two spears which Bauw said were sacred objects inherited from his parents. Afterwards, Bauw said, he received numerous intimidating phone calls, in which he would pick up the phone and hear someone whistling, laughing, or threatening his life.54

Muhammad Said Sabuku, another member of the delegation from Fak-Fak, was summoned by the police for questioning about National Dialogue-related activities on five separate occasions between March and June.55

On May 22, Frans Kamepict, a 33-year-old delegate from Merauke, received an envelope in the mail containing a bullet and a note warning that he would be killed if he continued working for independence.56

In July, an intelligence official at the Regional Military Command prevented the outspoken weekly, Tifa Irian, from publishing for two weeks.57 Tifa, founded in 1956 and published since 1961 by the Catholic Press Institute in Irian Jaya, had provided the boldest coverage of the National Dialogue throughout the year. The article which particularly upset the authorities, however, according to a Tifa journalist, was one which had appeared in June, which reported that military officials had provided a busload of Indonesian prostitutes to troops from neighboring Papua New Guinea (PNG) after the latter had secured the release of Indonesian hostages who had been abucted by OPM guerrillas andtaken into Papua New Guinea in May.58 The PNG troops were reportedly being feted at a hotel in Jayapura on June 11 when a Tifa reporter witnessed some thirty prostitutes being delivered to them by an Indonesian intelligence official whom the weekly named as Colonel Saragih.59

After the report was published, Colonel Saragih began contacting officials in Irian Jaya's thirteen districts and accused Tifa of aligning its coverage with the OPM. As a result, John Piet Wanane, the regent of Sorong, felt obliged to cancel advertising and subscription arrangements with the weekly: "Due to pressure from the District Military Command, institutionally, we are ending our working relationship with Tifa Irian. But privately, I continue to support Tifa."60

Next, Saragih contacted Tifa's printer, Tinta Mas, and two other presses in Jayapura, and instructed them not to print Tifa. This temporarily silenced Tifa but it reappeared two weeks later, when it was printed by the regional office of the Department of Information after lobbying from its press operators and with permission from the Ministry of Information in Jakarta.61 No other newspaper in Irian Jaya, however, commented on the two-week disappearance of the region's oldest newspaper,62 a clear indication that the press in Irian Jaya still felt itself to be operating under the shadow of military control.63

On July 28, five intellectuals involved in the National Dialogue were banned from traveling abroad.64 News of the ban, initiated by the military and justified on unspecified national security grounds, was leaked to the press; those affected never received official notification of it.65 They were team members Tom Beanal and Herman Awom; dialogue facilitators Dr. Benny Giay, a Protestant minister and professor, and Octovianus Mote, Jayapura bureau chief of Jakarta's best-known newspaper, Kompas; and Willy Mandowen, a professor of linguistics at Cenderawasih University and Executive Director of FORERI.66

At the same time, however, many National Dialogue participants pushed ahead with their activities, pointing out that Habibie had instructed them at the February meeting to go home and reconsider their demands, and that provincialpolice had no right to interfere with presidential instructions. On July 23 and 24, 1999, FORERI celebrated its first anniversary in the university town of Abepura, near Jayapura, and used the occasion to bring together twenty-five members of the Team of 100 at a Protestant guest house. At the meeting, the team compiled results of "ruminations"on the National Dialogue from their various districts. In August, fifteen of them departed for Jakarta to pass on to President Habibie a message which, over the intervening months, had hardened to "Merdeka Harga Mati" - essentially, liberty or death.67 Not surprisingly, they were not received by the government and hardly noticed in a Jakarta preoccupied with the upcoming referendum in East Timor and presidential elections soon after.

Papuans who had viewed the National Dialogue as a good faith attempt at negotiation and a sign that the government might listen to their point of view, were deeply disillusioned by its abrupt interruption and the ensuing crackdown. At a meeting with members of the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights in Jayapura in August, team member Agus Alua, a lecturer at the Catholic Theological Seminary, described it thus: "We sent our best men and women on a respectful visit to the president, and now we are treated like criminals."68

47 Bade is the capital of Edera subdistrict, Merauke, and is located roughly 200 kilometers northwest of Merauke city.

48 The men were charged with armed insurrection, but a trial was never held, apparently due to the change in administration from Habibie to Wahid and Wahid's order to release all political prisoners.

49 Gubernur Kepala Daerah Tingkat I Irian Jaya Radiogram Nomor: TX-200/454. Tanggal 30 Maret, 1999.

50 The law is "UU No 9 Tahun 1998 tentang Kemerdekaan Menyampaikan Pendapat dimuka Umum."

52 Press Release, Lembaga Penelitian Pengkajian dan Pengembangan Banutan Hukum, April 6, 1999, signed by Yahn Christian Warinussy SH, Executive Director; and Surat NO. 25/LMA/MKW/IV/99, Lembaga Musyawarah Adat Kecamatan Manokwari, April 6, 1999, signed by Barnabus Mandacan.

58 Human Rights Watch interview in Abepura, August 16, 1999. As described above, on May 5, 1999, an OPM group led by Hans Bomay seized eleven hostages near Arso, a town on the Papua New Guinea border, in an on a commercial plantation. The attack left four dead and three wounded. After Bomay took the hostages across the border and demanded money and weapons from the PNG government, PNG soldiers succeeded in rescuing the hostages unharmed on May 31 in the Bewani valley, where Bomay and his men had been based since the 1970s. Coverage of the incident in Tifa Irian and the Sydney Morning Herald quoted an Arso resident saying that Bomay's men had been seen in vehicles with Kopassus officers, and quoted a Bomay group member admitting that his group had links with Indonesian military officials. See "11 Sandera GPK Irja Dibebaskan," Press Release NO:30/PR/V/99, Indonesian Department of Foreign Affairs, June 1 1999; Andrew Kilvert, "Settlers rescued after being held hostage in PNG," Sydney Morning Herald, June 3, 1999;Andrew Kilvert, "Kidnaping points to ties between armies and rebels," Sydney Morning Herald, July 10, 1999.

63 In general, however, Irian Jaya enjoyed considerable press freedom following the fall of Soeharto, like other parts of Indonesia. Intervention from military censors was less frequent, an editor said. Despite the economic crisis, new publications sprang up, supplementing Tifa Irian and Cenderawasih Pos, a daily published since 1987. The new papers -- weekly tabloids Irian Express, Irja Pos and Jubi -- offered a far greater diversity of viewpoints. Like Cenderawasih Pos, Irian Express was owned by the multi-paper chain Jawa Pos. Both were viewed as conservative and apt to reflect the views of the military. Irja Pos belonged to the Young Businessmen's Association (Himpunan Pengusaha Muda) and was more independent. Jubi, short for Jujur Bicara (Honestly Speaking), was founded by NGOs in Jayapura; its inaugural issue in September carried a cover story entitled "Was the Act of Free Choice Illegal?" ("Pepera Tidak Sah?")

64 Departemen Kehakiman, Direktorat Jenderal Imigrasi, Nomor. F4-IL.01.02-3.0178, July 28, 1999.

66 "Mempertanyakan Dasar Hukum Pencekalan," Tifa Irian, Minggu I-II Agustus 1999.

VI. RIGHTS VIOLATIONS FOLLOWING FLAG-RAISINGS IN SORONG AND GENYEM

One year after the demonstrations, flag-raisings, and government repression that had given rise to the National Dialogue, thirty-two people were arrested and charged with rebellion or "spreading hatred" against the government after three new flag-raisings.69 The first of these took place in Genyem, a town sixty-two miles west of Jayapura, on July 1, 1999, and the others in Sorong, a city on the eastern tip of the province, on July 5 and September 9.

The Genyem flag-raising was peaceful, but those in Sorong were not. On July 5, police shot and wounded two men, beat two others severely, raided a private home used for political organizing, and conducted brutal sweeps of Papuan neighborhoods. Angry Papuan mobs knifed a Javanese man to death and violently assaulted at least five other non-Papuans. Following the flag-raising on September 9, an eighteen-year-old high school student who had been detained died in police custody: the police said he had suffered an epileptic fit but there was widespread suspicion that he had died due to a beating at the hands of the police.70

These flag-raisings and the repression that followed caused division within the local community, particularly in Sorong. They took place against the advice of Team of 100 leaders, who were anxious about increasing government hostility and the risk of violence,71 leading some to speculate that they might have been covertly encouraged by Indonesian security officials to provide a pretext for further repression. Whether this is true or not, the flag raisings were followed by new arrests which particularly targeted leading local independence advocates who had not been present on the day and had tried to prevent the flag-raisings from taking place.

Genyem

On July 1 in Genyem, the main town in Nimboran subdistrict, about 200 people raised the West Papua flag beneath the Indonesian one outside the local government office (kantor camat) and kept it flying for nine hours. According to newspaper accounts, the flag-raising was ordered by Yance Hembiring, an OPM commander, and Ishak Yapsenang, leader of the National Committee for West Papuan Youth (Komite Nasional Pemuda Papua Barat,hereafter KNPP), which had been formed in Genyem in January 1999, 72 but neither man was actually present.73 (Subsequently, the KNPP was involved in both of the Sorong flag-raisings.) At Genyem, the demonstrators lowered their flag at 5:15 p.m. in response to "persuasive measures" by locally-based soldiers and police, backed by mobile brigate police (brimob) and infantry brought in from Jayapura. District police chief Johny Rory commented positively on the outcome: "Not a single shot was fired," he told reporters.74 In return for their compliance, however, the demonstators later demanded information about the 1969 Act of Free Choice on the grounds that the Indonesian government had never disclosed how it was conducted, or its results.75

Despite the peaceful conclusion, five men, all local farmers, were arrested after the flag-raising, charged under Article 155 of the Indonesian Criminal Code with sowing hatred against the government and brought to trial. In December 1999, the state prosecutor called for the alleged ringleader, Maurits Wouw, to be sentenced to a year in prison, and for his four co-accused, Mesak Waipon, Zadrak Wouw, Marthen Bay, and Agustinus Waipon, to be jailed for four months each. Legal action against the men was halted following Wahid's decree in late December releasing political prisoners in Papua.

Sorong, July 5, 1999

Just before dawn on July 5, 1999, local members of the KNPP raised the West Papua "Morning Star" Flag in a park called Taman Hiburan Rakyat in the center of Sorong, but it was soon pulled down by police who forcibly dispersed the crowd and then began a series of sweeps through the neighbouring areas. Later, at around noon, police raided the headquarters of the Communication Forum for Papuan People and Students (Forum Komunikasi Masyarakat dan Mahasiswa Papua, hereafter Forum), the center of popular pro-independence activity in Sorong.

By the end of the month, eighteen people, including Team of 100 members and Forum leaders Yance Mesak Wabdaron and Yakomina Isir, had been charged with rebellion under Article 106 of the Indonesian penal code. Forum had not been involved in the flag-raising, but it had resisted police orders to disband itself, continued to disseminate information about the National Dialogue, and urged local people to boycott Indonesia's parliamentary elections in June 1999.

Forum had been founded by local students in April 1998, following the example set by students elsewhere in Indonesia.76 As elsewhere in Irian Jaya, the focus was not a change of government in Jakarta but a re-examination of Irian's political status. Forum had helped to organize a mass demonstration in favor of independence in Sorong on July 2, 1998, which led to six people being wounded in clashes with police and the burning of several buildings.77

In August 1998, Forum established its headquarters at the home of Bernard Salosa, a fifty-four-year-old retired sailor, and his niece Yakomina Isir, a thirty-eight-year-old high school teacher, who served as Forum's advisor (pembina).78 As the National Dialogue developed, their home - the "Forum posko," as it became known - was the scene of constant activity and acted as a magnet for local people to come to find things out and to discuss events.79 Often, visitors contributed money, totalling generally about Rp 125,000 (then approximately US$15) per day according toa former treaurer, or in-kind donations, and the organization had fifty-two regional coordinators.80 The extent of it's activities even led the regional military chief, Infantry Colonel TH Sinambela, to accuse Forum of receiving donations from abroad.81

In February 1999,Yakomina Isir and Forum's Coordinator, Yance Mesak Wabdaron, a 27-year old medical student, were chosen to represent Sorong as members of the Team of 10082, and when they returned from Jakarta in March, Forum organized a community meeting as part of its "socialization" activities.83
After the April 17 police order banning "separatist group organizations" and "neighborhood patrols," and calling for the dismantling of all separatist meeting places (posko), Forum stopped calling their headquarters "Forum posko" and began calling it a "Prayer Post" (Pos Pelayanan Doa) - not entirely untrue, as services were held there every Sunday - and erected a sentry post outside. All visitors were required to report their name and business at the post; ordinary police, suspected intelligence agents or provocateurs, and anyone who appeared drunk were turned away. High-ranking visitors like the chief of police were made to wait while their arrival was reported inside. 84

The deadline for dismantling posko, set at seventy-two hours in the April 17 police order, was extended for a full month in Sorong to midnight on May 19. That evening, in a meeting with the regional army commander, Forum leaders argued that the existence of the posko helped to keep the peace in Sorong, not to threaten it, as the police ban implied, because it was used to defuse inflammatory rumors, and to discourage drunkenness and violence.85 But their arguments did not prevail and, as midnight approached, a large crowd gathered in the street outside. Police Commander Sukandono, a Javanese who had worked for many years in Irian Jaya and was well known and respected by local people, then arrived to talk to the Forum leaders, after which he urged people to disperse to their homes. He went withsome students to neighboring areas, successfully urging people to remain calm. The posko was not dismantled, but before the end of June Sukandono had been replaced.86

Forum members also called for Papuans to boycott the Indonesian elections in accordance with the statement delivered by the Team of 100 in Jakarta in February, 1998, and a subsequent appeal circulated by Theys Eluay, a prominent Papuan leader in Jayapura. Thousands of people responded by returning their voter registration cards to the posko. The authorities then arrested three members of Forum and three other activists, charging them with disrupting the electoral process. On June 3, Yakomina Isir met local government and police leaders and, on the understanding that the six would be released, agreed to help "guarantee" the success of the elections. Two days later, 89 percent of eligible voters in Sorong went peacefully to the polls. The six detainees, however, were not released.87

In late June, Forum members heard rumors that a new KNPP branch was planning a flag-raising in Sorong on July 1. Four local residents had been sworn in as KNPP officials at Genyem, a forty-eight hour boat journey away, on May 14, after KNPP leader Ishak Yapsenang had visited Sorong in March to solicit members. Forum itself had discouraged the formation of a new organization in Sorong but in June KNPP held its first public meeting there; the flag-raising was to be its first official activity.88

This caused concern within Forum, which, following Team of 100 policy, opposed new flag-raisings. On June 30, Yakomina Isir and other Forum representatives met representatives of KNPP to discourage them from going ahead. Yance Mesak Wabdaron alerted the police to the plan and went on radio publicly to discourage Papuans from participating. The July 1 flag-raising was cancelled but KNPP leaders felt they had lost face with their followers and quietly began planning another one.89
This took place on July 5, when a few dozen KNPP members slipped into the Taman Hiburan Rakyat park in Sorong just before dawn and raised the West Papua "Morning Star" flag on a pole erected earlier in the night. At about 6 a.m., the demonstrators stood in three rings around the flagpole, surrounded by police, and began singing the Papuan National Anthem, as hundreds of people gathered in nearby streets to watch. Before they could finish singing, police fired into the air and ordered the demonstrators to disperse. When they did not, police started to push them away with plastic shields and hit them with gun butts and bamboo staves.90
Until then, according to eyewitnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, including a former government official who lives across the street from the park, the demonstrators, who were unarmed, had been peaceful.91 But as demonstrators were knocked down and handcuffed, the situation rapidly descended into violence. Some of the protestors threw stones at police, one was cut on the hand by a police bayonet, and another, Martin Manutunai, was shot in the thigh by police. Police pulled down the flag and, according to some accounts, trod on it. Within an hour, only police remained in the park but angry crowds were moving through the city.92 Half a mile west of the park, one group taunted a police officer passing by on a motorcycle. He drew his gun and shot one of the group, twenty-six-year old student Frans Isir, who was then taken into police custody with a badly bleeding wound. Tensions escalated further amid rumors that he had been killed.93

Meanwhile, in the Kelurahan Malanu neighborhood east of the park, angry youths attacked and killed a Javanese motorcycle-taxi (ojek) driver, broke shop windows, burned a jeep, and threatened two other motorcyclists.94 Sporadic gunfire could be heard until about 11:30 a.m., by which time police and soldiers had reasserted control of the city.

Security forces then decided to raid Forum headquarters, and shortly after noon sealed the neighborhood behind Yohan Supermarket in East Sorong. They first targeted a gapura, an archway used to mark neighborhood boundaries, that Forum members had erected at the entrance to Jalan Tanjung. On it were painted the words "Papuan Students and People Alliance Post," images of a Papuan flag, and United Nations and Amnesty International logos. Police tied one end of a rope to a truck borrowed from a construction company, and the other to the gapura, and dragged it down.95 After the police had moved down the street, two non-Papuan motorcyclists passed through the intersection, where an angry crowd had congregated. Members of the crowd attacked the motorcyclists; one managed to escape, but the other fell from his motorcycle and was badly beaten.96

Meanwhile, police surrounded Bernard Salosa's home, where Forum had made it's headquarters, and broke in the door and windows and ransacked the place. Salosa and his family had already taken refuge in a neighbor's house. Twice more within the following twenty-four hours, police and soldiers returned to search the house, and then set up a round the clock sentry post only a block away in the office of the neighborhood administrator (lurah). This was still being manned in late August when a Human Rights Watch researcher visited the area: a dozen police officers were in the post at midday, and at night armed soldiers were patrolling the street. Bernard Salosa eventually returned to his home on August 7 but found many of his possessions ruined or missing.97

After raiding Salosa's house, police conducted a sweep through the adjacent neighborhood looking for people who might have been involved in the flag-raising or violence. This led to at least twenty-five people being wounded by police, according to a student group who interviewed victims and witnesses over a two week period.98

Shortly after noon, police kicked in the door of an outhouse in Worot neighborhood and pointed their guns at a shocked housewife with her hands up and her skirt around her ankles. They then broke in the door of her house with rifle butts, searched the house, and made her children come out from under beds where they were hiding. Next door, where two young men in cap and gown were celebrating their graduation earlier that morning, they reportedly kicked a guest in the shins and shot into a wardrobe.99

In Kampung Nenas, five policemen burst into the home of a fifty-two-year old civil servant who subsequently told Human Rights Watch that he had not heard about the flag-raising and was taking a nap after coming home from work. Though he did not resist, he was hit in the arm and kicked in the small of the back. Together with twenty others, he was put in a truck, driven to the police station, struck with bamboo staves, and ordered to strip to his underwear. He was treated more leniently than others at the station, he said, which he attributed to his age and the fact that his work often brought him in contact with the public, and police therefore recognized him. He was released the following day and ordered to report to the police every morning for two weeks. He was never shown any warrant for his arrest.100

In all, eighteen people were detained in connection with the July 5 flag-raising, including Yance Mesak Wabdaron and Yakomina Isir of Forum. The former, learning of the flag-raising on the morning of July 5, had gone with his brother, Sampaek Wabdaron, to find out what was happening101, but at about 1.30 p.m. the two were stopped by police. They made Sampaek Wabdaron dismount from his motorcycle and get into a military truck while Yance Wabdaron, with a police officer sitting behind him, was told to drive to Yohan Supermarket. There, police seized the motorcycle, assaulted Yance Wabdaron and threw him into the back of a truck. He was taken to a police station, where he was again assaulted with fists and bamboo staves, made to strip to his underwear, and placed in a solitary cell reserved for political prisoners. Sampaek Wabdaron was also assaulted by police, sustaining a wound to the face, and then a further beating with bamboo staves in the night and by having his toes burned with cigarettes until he passed out. He was then released on the afternoon of July 6.

Yance Wabdaron's family were not allowed to visit him until the fourth day of his incarceration, and were allowed to take him to a doctor, who set his right leg in plaster, only after one week. The police then brought in a police doctor for a second opinion: he confirmed that Yance Wabdaron had sustained a fracture of the right leg, a cracked skull, and extensive bruising to his body. His relatives subsequently told HRW that they had had to spend more than half a million rupiah (US$60) on medical treatment as a result of his beating by police.102

The two KNPP leaders, Yoab Safle and Hans Kambuayu, remained at large. On July 14, a police Sargeant Wisnu told Forum General Secretary Yohanes Sakof that Wabdaron would be released once KNPP's leaders had been arrested. On July 21, Sakof led police to Safle's house where Safle was arrested, but Sakof himself was also incarcerated overnight.103

Sorong, September 9

It was widely rumored that further pro-independence incidents would occur across Irian Jaya on September 9, due to the unusual combination of numbers in the date 9/9/99, but nothing occurred except in Sorong. There, KNPP members led by twenty-three-year-old Richard Rumbarar, the senior KNPP official still at large, again hoisted the West Papua flag, this time in front of the local parliament building.104 Again, the demonstrators, numbering about 90, wereforcibly dispersed by police using firearms. Three protestors, including Arnold Imbir, who was shot in the arm, sustained gunshot wounds and ten people were detained for questioning.105 One of these, Denis Yowen, an eighteen-year-old high school student, died in police custody next day. Police said he had suffered an epileptic fit106, but other detainees said they had seen him collapse while being beaten within the police station by men not wearing uniforms. Petrus Yowen, the victim's father, said his son had not previously suffered from epilepsy and that he was told of the death three hours after he was summoned to the police station at 2 p.m. on September 10.107

An autopsy was said to have been carried out but Lieutenant Colonel Charles Sitorus, Sorong's chief of police, refused to disclose its findings either to the victim's family or to the public, though he said he would make them available in the event of a trial. According to the police chief, some of the flag-raisers had been armed with machetes and other weapons when police dispersed them.108

69 For a list of those arrested see Appendix II.

71 The suspicion was articulated by human rights activists in Jayapura in August 1999. For the Team of 100's position on flag-raisings, see "Bintang Kejora Berkibar, Bukan Perintah Tim 100," Tifa Irian, July 26-31, 1999, and "Tom Beanal Bicara Tuntutan Merdeka dan Insiden Sorong: Pengibar Bintang Kejora Hanya Provokator," Cenderawasih Pos, September 11, 1999.

72 Komite Nasional Pemuda Papua Barat: Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga. Genyem, May 1, 1999.

73 Bintang Kejora Berkibar di Nimboran," Cenderawasih Pos, July 2, 1999 and "Separatist rebels hoist independence flag in Irian Jaya," Associated Press, July 1, 1999.

74 "Bintang Kejora Berkibar di Nimboran," Cenderawasih Pos, July 2, 1999; "Separatists: West Papua Flag Lowered," Antara, July 1, 1999.

77 See "Indonesia: Human Rights and Pro-Independence Actions in Irian Jaya," December, 1998. At the time the group was called Reform Forum of Students and People of Sorong; it changed its name to Communication Forum for Papuan People and Students in August 1998.

81 "2 pimpinan Separatis Papua Barat Undurkan Diri," Suara Pembaruan, June 18, 1999.

85 An example of the false information that activists said was commonplace in Irian Jaya were a series of anonymous midnight calls received by an NGO leader in mid August 1999, saying that an OPM group was planning to attack Abepura, where Cenderawasih University is located, on the eve of Indonesian Independence Day, August 17. The calls gained credence on August 16, when a police officer visited a different NGO in Abepura and told its director that an armed OPM group was camped nearby. No attack occurred.

Human Rights Watch also obtained a copy of an inflammatory letter circulating in Jayapura in August 1999. The letter either reflected or exploited the cargo cult phenomenon found among some tribes in Irian Jaya and Papua New Guinea, who believe that deliverance will come in the form of returning ancestors disguised as foreigners and bearing material goods. It said: "I, Jeck Kenedi and Mr. Tom Beanal of West Papua (Timika) met in America (USA) to discuss the freeing of West Papua, which has been continually postponed by the savage peoples of Indonesia. I, Jeck Kenedi, agree 100% to assist West Papua, in accordance with the agreement made by my father, former American President John Kenedy, on December 1, 1963 in New York, for the transfer of West Papua from the Netherlands and Indonesia. Therefore I, Jeck Kenedi, Commander of the Seventh Armada, will assist West Papua with the aforenamed Armada, which consists of 5,000 personnel, and will request an audience with the United Nation sometime this year, probably June to August 1999.

The Armada has been ready at the island of Guam, north of the Island of Biak, since March 27, 1999, some 25 kilometres from the cities of Biak and Serui in West Papua. The Armada has been purchased by Mr. Tom Beanal, candidate for the president of West Papua. Weapons already prepared by Mr. Tom Beanal are as follows: Three hundred Super Power Type combat jets, three hundred Electiger Type helicopters, twenty B 25 Bombers, five hundred amphibious tanks, fifty submarines, three hundred destroyers, one aircraft carrier with forty guided nuclear missiles, and three thousand other weapons from Australia.

I hope that the sons of Papua are prepared to leave for Guam, ready, willing and disciplined to undertake the tasks before them, to free the land of the Bird of Paradise (West Papua) from its suffering. And I am waiting for a list of their names, which has not yet arrived. I am sending this letter to Navy Captain Egmaden, wherever he may be, so that names will be sent soon, as we are waiting to receive them, but personnel have yet to be prepared..." According to activists in Jayapura, such phonecalls and letters were commonplace.

88 Papuan critics of KNPP charge it with being a tool of the military. Human Rights Watch was not able to investigate such charges. We did learn, however, that both Forum and KNPP were financially supported by a wealthy immigrant businessman. The businessman told HRW that he provided both Forum and KNPP leaders with several million rupiah and cell phones, explaining that he wanted to protect his assets in case of violence or an eventual independent state in Irian Jaya. He said that he had initially supported Forum but, shortly after the formation of KNPP, decided that Forum members were indeed mismanaging his donations, withdrew his support, and began funding the new group instead. He also said that to pacify the police, he had agreed, with KNPP members' knowledge, to act as an informant about their activities, although he restricted his informing to "unessential information." The businessman claimed that it was he who had notified police on the morning of July 5 that a separatist flag had been raised in Taman Hiburan Rakyat.
Another insight into the position taken by non-Papuan businessmen vis-a-vis the independence movement was revealed in proceedings stemming from a the flag-raising in Biak in 1998. In a deposition given August 11, 1998, demonstration leader Filip Karma said that during the four-day flag-raising, a gas station employee approached him with one million rupiah, saying that in return for the money the gas station's owner requested a "security guarantee." Karma said he considered the money a bribe and gave it to a church official. See Berkas Perkara: Tersangka Atas Nama Drs. Filip Yakob Semuel Karma Alias Yoppi Melakukan Tindak Pidana Kejahatan Terhadap Keamanan Negara Atau Makar, Polri Daerah Irian Jaya Resort Biak Numfor.

89 Human Rights Watch interviews, Sorong, August 23 and 24, 1999. Members of both groups separately described the attempts by Forum to discourage KNPP fromcarrying out the flag-raising ceremony.

90 Human Rights Watch interview, Sorong, August 24, 1999; Semy Latunussa, Laporan Hasil Investigasi Pengibaran Bendera Bintang Kejora Dan Pelanggaran HAM oleh Aparat Militer di Kabupaten Saerah Tingkat II Sorong, Tanggal 11 - 17 Juli 1999.

94 Human Rights Watch interview, Sorong, August 27, 1999; Latunussa, Laporan Hasil Investigasi Pengibaran Bendera Bintang Kejora.

96 Many residents of Sorong and other parts of Irian Jaya suspect ojek drivers of being intelligence agents. There is no hard evidence to prove the suspicions.

97 Salosa reported to the Legal Aid Institute of Jayapura and later told Human Rights Watch that five million rupiah in cash, a piece of gold weighing ten kilograms, thirty textiles, a Seiko watch, three plastic wardrobes, eight pairs of shoes, four traditional knives, a stone axe and a telephone were missing; three cabinets, two buvet, an amplifier, chairs, a gas stove, a tambourine, a bass guitar, and eight buckets had been ruined; and television, refrigerator and satellite dish cables had been cut.

98 The group, Mahasiswa Peduli Tragedi Sorong Juli 5, 1999, included students from as far away as Jayapura. Its members sought and received permission from military and government officials, including the governor, to conduct a two-week investigation in Sorong in the end of July.

101 Human Rights Watch interview, Sorong, August 23, 1999; Latunussa, Laporan Hasil Investigasi Pengibaran Bendera Bintang Kejora.

104 Report of the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Jayapura, September 9, 1999, and private correspondence, September 10, 1999.

VII. PUBLIC MOBILIZATION AGAINST DIVISION OF THE PROVINCE

Despite the arrests and other repression which followed the collapse of the National Dialogue process and in response to the July and September flag-raisings, it was a far cry from the systematic repression previously employed by Soeharto's New Order government and there were clear signs that the government recognized a need to respond in some way to Papuan aspirations.

In July 1999, while discussion of the National Dialogue was still banned, the territory's Lieutenant Governor, John Djopari, undertook a tour of the area together with an Indonesian parliamentary delegation. Their purpose was to promote a plan to divide the province into three in what was, according to Djopari, a long-planned initiative to improve government services in remote areas and to provide jobs for local people (each province in Indonesia is run by a governor and has its own parliament, government offices, and so on).109

Lack of jobs and services were in fact serious sources of discontent, but given the timing, Papuans viewed the policy as a cynical response to the National Dialogue, and predicted it would introduce more soldiers and immigrants to the region, accelerate their cultural and economic marginalization, and hinder the province-wide organizing that had flourished since the fall of Soeharto. Djopari and the parliament members were met with angry protests, and the issue was hotly debated and denounced in the local media.110

Despite the noisily expressed objections, the central government pushed ahead, saying those who rejected the idea didn't really understand it, and were most likely separatist sympathizers.111 The plan was passed into law on September 16, one week before legislators elected in the democratic June 5 elections took office.

On October 12, in Jakarta, Drs. Herman Monim and Marine Brigadier General Abraham Atururi were sworn in as governors of the provinces of Central and West Irian Jaya, respectively. The ceremony had been ordered by Habibieon September 25112 and went forward despite letters from Governor Freddy Numberi advising Jakarta to wait, due to lack of funds, a tense political climate, and "insufficient socialization" of the policy.113

On October 14, thousands gathered outside the governor's office in Jayapura. Trucks and buses made multiple trips from the nearby university town of Abepura that morning, but students were the minority in a crowd of approximately 9,000.114 The demonstration was largely peaceful, although at one point someone threw stones at anti-riot police blocking the entrance to the governor's office. Emotions were quickly diffused by demonstrators anxious to avoid violence.115

At one p.m.Djopari appeared, spoke briefly to the crowd, then escorted six university students and Father Herman Awom, Assistant Secretary General of the Evangelical Christian Church of Irian Jaya, into the governor's office. Inside, after a two hour meeting with Djopari and local parliament head Nathaniel Kaiway, and phone conversations with Governor Numberi and Internal Affairs Minister Feisal Tanjung in Jakarta, it was decided that the local parliament would hold a special session on division of the province on Saturday, October 16.116

One of the new governors, Abraham Atururi, then showed up and told crowds that Numberi had instructed him to refuse the new position but that he had to go ahead with the swearing-in to show his loyalty to the government. As evening set in demonstrators vowed they would remain outside the governor's office until the new appointments and the division of the province were repealed.117

The next day hundreds of students remained, blocking doors and demanding to see the identity cards of anyone wishing to enter. On Saturday, the day of the special parliamentary session, crowds swelled again to 8,000.118

Sixty demonstrators were invited to attend the session, which lasted from 9:30 a.m. to 3:30 p.m. Students interrupted the proceedings to demand the wording of the decision be changed from "postpone" to "reject"; another man who began orating in front of legislators had to be escorted back to his seat by a policeman.119 At four p.m., Governor Numberi and head of parliament Kaiway returned to the governor's office to announce the results: a statement would be sent to Jakarta rejecting division of the province and the appointments of the two new governors. The announcement was greeted with wild applause; Awom led a prayer, and demonstrators and legislators embraced. The governor then asked the crowds to return home, which they did, but not before dancing a few rounds of Yospan, the Irianese social dance, together with the Jayapura police chief Johny Rori and several of his men.120

Members of national parliament in Jakarta later joined in rejecting the division of Irian Jaya,121 and on November 29, the Internal Affairs Minister of the new Abdurrahman Wahid administration, Surjadi Soedirja, announced that the division of Irian Jaya had been indefinitely postponed.122

109 "Wagub Drs. JRG Djopari, MA: Pemekaran Irian Jaya Bukan Tantangan," Tifa Irian, Minggu I-II Agustus, 1999.

110 "Aksi Protes Warga Masyarakat Nabire Diwarnai Kericuhan dan Pemblokiran Banda Udara Nabire," ELSHAM Report, July 7, 1999; "Unjuk Rasa Papua Barat Sambut DPR RI, Di Manokwari Massa Dibubarkan dengan Tembakan," Cenderawasih Pos, August 6, 1999; "Ratusan Mahasiswa Demo Tolak Pemekaran," Cenderawasih Pos, September 7, 1999; and "Menolak Pemekaran, Djopari dan Mote Minta Dicopot," Tifa Irian, Minggu I-II Agustus 1999.

111 Interview with Prof. Dr Ryaas Rashid of the Internal Affairs Department, quoted in "Hari Ini Resmi Punya Tiga Gubernur, Mendagri Akan Lantik Monim dan Ataruri Jadi Gubernur," Cenderawasih Pos, October 12 1999.

112 Keppres No. 327, 25 September, 1999.

113 Gubernur Kepala Daerah Tingkat I Irian Jaya, Nomor: X.136/2779/SET, addressed to the Internal Affairs Minister Feisal Tanjung, October 1999.

114 "Demonstrasi Mahasiswa dan Masyarakat Menolak Pemekaran Willayah Irian Jaya di Jayapura," ELSHAM Report, October 17, 1999.

115 Ibid.

116 "DPRD I Akan Bersidang Tolak Pemekaran: Warga Duduki Kantor Gubernur Irja," Suara Pembaruan, October 16, 1999.

117 "Demonstrasi Mahasiswa dan Masyarakat Menolak Pemekaran Willayah Irian Jaya di Jayapura," ELSHAM Report, October 17, 1999.

118 Ibid.

119 "DPRD Tk I Tolak Pemekaran Provinsi," Suara Pembaruan, October 17, 1999.

120 "Demonstrasi Mahasiswa dan Masyarakat Menolak Pemekaran Willayah Irian Jaya di Jayapura," ELSHAM Report, October 17, 1999.

In the ensuing days, demonstrations were held in Serui, Biak, Sorong, and Nabire. Community leaders in each town issued political statements, copied to Habibie, Wiranto, heads of Parliament, and the Department of Internal Affairs, reminding the central government of the aspirations expressed by the Team of 100 in February and July 1999. The statement from Serui noted that 16,281 people in the Yapen Waropen district had chosen independence in an informal survey conducted earlier in the year. Pernyataan Sikap Politik Papua Barat di Yapen Waropen, Serui, Oktober 14, 1999. The statement from Biak Numfor cited the Declaration of the Universal Rights of Man, the Bible and Pancasila. Suara Hati Nurani Rakyat Papua di Biak Numfor, Biak,Oktober 14, 1999. The statement from Sorong evoked Papuan fears of ethnic extinction, and demanded an international human rights investigation into violations in Irian Jaya, Timor, Aceh and Ambon. Demonstrasi Damai Penolakan Pemekaran Masyarakat Papua di Sorong: Pernyataan Sikap, Oktober 14, 1999.

121 "Anggota MPR Asal Irja Tolak Pemekaran," Suara Pembaruan, November 17, 1999.

122 "Pemekaran Irja Ditunda," Suara Pembaruan, November 29, 1999.

VIII. DECEMBER 1 FLAG-RAISINGS AND THE CLASH IN TIMIKA

A month and a half into the new administration of Abdurrahman Wahid, on December 1, 1999, tens of thousands of Papuans openly and peacefully celebrated the 38th anniversary of what they termed "West Papuan independence." The ceremonies, which consisted of flag raisings in eleven towns and massive gatherings in two others, were peaceful, and no action was taken by the military or police to prevent or disperse them.123 The events seemed to mark a welcome and significant break with the preceding thirty years, when flag-raisings had been met with arrests, brutality, state repression and violence. Only the following day, however, there was new violence in the city of Timika when police forcibly dispersed demonstrators who had gathered around a flag which had been raised three weeks before in a local churchyard. During the course of the police action, sixteen people received gunshot wounds and dozens of others were injured.

The Papua-wide flag-raising ceremonies on December 1 had been formally announced just three weeks earlier, at a November 12 gathering to celebrate the sixty-second birthday of traditional leader Theys Eluay. The gathering in Sentani, near Jayapura, was attended by about 3,000 people, including Yorrys Raweyai, a wealthy Jakarta resident known for his association with the Soeharto family, and Lieutenant Colonel Daud Sihombing, chief of Jayapura police.124 The December 1 plan had clearly been made before the party -- Yorrys leaked it to the media on November 10 -- but it was not clear who was responsible for the plan.125

The announcement sparked an eruption of organizing activity, and momentum grew after the province's top police and army chiefs expressed relaxed attitudes about it in the local media, apparently reflecting new orders from the new administration in Jakarta. In the November 15 edition of the widely-read Cenderawasih Pos daily, Territorial Commander Amir Sembiring was quoted as saying flag-raisings would be allowed;126 the same day, newly appointed provincial police chief Silvanus Yulian Wenas said flag-raisings would be tolerated as an expression of free speech, as long as the red and white Indonesian flag was not taken down and there was no violence or violations of the law.127

Some community leaders reacted to the new developments with alarm, because it was not clear who was organizing them, because they had not been consulted, and because in previous months, the activist community had discouraged flag-raisings.128 Rumors began to fly that December 1 would bring full independence, or failing that, anattack by the OPM.129 Somewhat more realistically, there were fears of reprisals by Indonesian security forces or communal violence.130

Tensions mounted when, one week prior to the date, police and army leaders changed their tune on the flag-raisings. On November 26, Amir Sembiring was replaced as regional army commander by Brigadier General Albert Inkiriwang, in a routine reassignment occasioned by the change of government in Jakarta.131 The same day, army chief of staff Subagyo flatly forbade flag-raisings.132 The position was soon echoed by Inkiriwang and Police Chief Wenas.133

Next, the two highest government officials in the region - Governor Freddy Numberi and the head of the provincial parliament, Nathaniel Kaiway - issued an announcement "in the name of the government of Indonesia" warning that raising the Papuan flag was against the law and would be treated accordingly.134 Photocopies of the announcement were dropped over Jayapura from a military helicopter at around 3 pm on November 30; it was sent by radiogram to other parts of the province.135

Despite the warnings and prohibitions, there was no way to stem the tide of public enthusiasm, defiance and organizing, and a massive stand off appeared to be taking shape. On November 29, leaders of the main churches in Irian Jaya issued a fatalistic-sounding joint appeal for restraint on all sides.136 Amid a mounting sense of panic, a series of meetings was held in Jayapura, involving almost every public figure and high official in town.137

At one such meeting, a compromise was struck: pro-independence leaders agreed to raise the Indonesian flag as part of the ceremony, with due respect and a rendition of the Indonesian national anthem, alongside the West Papua flag. Both sides also vowed to keep the peace. A man claiming to be a former OPM guerrilla told a reporter he was helping organize 2,000 Papuan patrol members for Jayapura: "anyone who has the nerve to take down the Red and White [the Indonesian flag] will have to deal with me," he was quoted as saying.138

A foreign-born priest and long-time resident of Jayapura described the atmosphere of December 1: anxiety giving way to relief at the lack of violence and an unprecedented sense that "for one day, the community was in charge of town."139 At dawn that morning, about twenty thousand people gathered in downtown Jayapura.140 After a prayer, the Papuan flag was raised at Taman Imbi park, then the Indonesian flag. "Many wept as they sang a Papuan anthem while the separatist flag fluttered in the morning rain," a reporter noted.141 Theys Eluay gave a speech calling for the "return of West Papuan sovereignty"; the crowd watched traditional dances, sang hymns, protest songs, and the Indonesiannational anthem. Later, a convoy of motorcycles and vans circulated through Jayapura and neighboring towns, with riders waving Papuan flags and onlookers shouting "Free Papua!"142 Police and anti-riot troops maintained their distance.

Analogous events were held in Sentani, Serui, Manokwari, Nabire, Meruake and Sorong, in two towns in the district of Fak-Fak, and in the Tiom and Bokondini subdistricts of Jayawijaya province. In Wamena and Biak towns, there were large gatherings but no flags were raised. Tens of thousands - perhaps hundreds of thousands - took part, but there was no violence.143

I just came back from the "Bintang Kejora" ("Morning Star") Flag Hoisting Ceremony. It was held at Doreri field, Manokwari, attended by approximately 30,000 people from various parts of the community. . . It was begun by the entering of the Irianese VIPs and dignitaries (members of traditional councils, "100 Team," etc) into the field taken by a group of dancers from the Mee tribe. The flag was then hoisted followed by the reading of declaration demanding the recognition from the Indonesian central government to the independence of the people of West Papua.

The speech of the ceremony basically consisted of a detailed account about the history of West Papua and how in various occasions the history has been manipulated for the benefit of outside powers. It was a very powerful political education for the West Papuans themselves as many of those attending the ceremony were young and have no access to the written information about their own history.

The singing of "Hai Tanahku Papua" hymn as well as "Dari Ombak Besar. Dari Lautan Teduh" were well performed. Those who attended tried to participate as much as they could.

The ceremony was very very peaceful. I should say it was the first time ever in Manokwari that a large and significant number of West Papuans gathered in one place to remember and reflect on what had happened in the past and pray for their future. The political situation and awareness in Irian Jaya will never be the same again. This is the beginning of a new hope, and the central government of Indonesia can not take it lightly. The demand for dialogue should be taken seriously by the Gus Dur - Megawati administration. I could sense a very strong determination for change in a peaceful manner.

The ceremony was closed with a very moving prayer by Reverend Wainggai - an old pentacostal pastor highly respected in Manokwari...The committee then thanked the police and army for their cooperation and urged the people to return to their homes peacefully. People started to shake hands and hug each other, all in tears...no hatred against Indonesia or migrants, just a very very peaceful expression of thanks and relief.144

According to the agreement struck by security forces and community leaders, flags raised on the morning of December 1 were lowered by 6 pm that evening. Timka was the only significant exception.145

The Clash in Timika

In Timika, a city on Papua's south coast, where the flag had already been flying in a churchyard for three weeks, demonstrators also refused to take it down on December 1. The next morning, security forces used force to disperse the crowd and lower the flag. In the assault sixteen people were shot and dozens were injured.

The flag-raising began on November 10 in the yard of the Three Kings Parish, a Catholic church, organized by an Amungme activist named Yosepha Alomang146 and Isak Onawame, a priest.147 Thirteen tents were erected to represent the thirteen administrative districts of Irian Jaya; at the center was a flagpole with the "Morning Star" flag, and the wall of the churchyard was plastered with banners and signs. Between two hundred and one thousand people reportedly attended daily, listening to speeches, participating in prayer services, singing and watching performances of traditional dance.148

According to published reports and a leading Papuan human rights group, more than 2,000 people gathered in the churchyard to prevent the flag from being taken down on the morning of December 2. Shortly after 7:00 a.m., a Brimob police unit attempted to enter the churchyard. They were blocked by several hundred women who formed a "human gate" across the entrance. Police were finally able to break through using shields and sticks about a half hour later.149

According to one report, police moved into the middle of the crowded churchyard and fired warning shots.150 Other observers said the "warning shots" were fired directly at the crowd.151 In the aftermath, it weas found that sixteen people had been wounded by gunshots, including a 35-year old woman who subsequently had to have her leg amputated. Eighty others said they had been struck by the police, who used rifle butts, nightsticks, bamboo staves and tear gas.152 Others were injured in the press of the panicked crowd or as they attempted to scale a barbed wire fence. Chaos continued for one hour with an army helicopter flying so low that the wind caused by its blades blew down the tents. There were also reports of demonstrators hurling rocks and wood at the police.

Volunteers observing the incident for the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy reported that the windows of the Toyota Kijang jeep they had borrowed from a local organization, the Yayasan PendidikanAmungme-Kamoro, were shattered by police; a Brimob officer reportedly took a mobile telephone and purse belonging to a passenger.153

In a murky but apparently related incident, Abelek Murib, a fifty-year-old Amungme woman present at the Three Kings Parish during the police action, died at her home at noon on December 2. The exact cause of death was disputed. Four demonstrators told a human rights investigator they had personally witnessed Murib being struck with a rifle by a policeman. Local police chief Mayor Eddy Pramudyo said the woman had suffered a heart attack at home three days earlier and had coincidentally been brought to the church that morning by family members just as the police action was getting underway, leading people to conclude, wrongly, that she was a victim of police violence.154

In the aftermath of the incident, police at first denied the extent of the violence. In Jayapura, the province's police chief, Silvanus Wenas, said there had been no shootings or injuries in Timika, but that unarmed police had dragged 50 protestors out of the church grounds at the request of a local priest.155 Timika's deputy police chief, Edi Pramudio, said the police had gone "to stop arguments between demonstrators" over whether to lower the flag, and that some people were injured as they ran away to avoid the shooting.156

On December 3, however, Wenas admitted and apologized for the shootings, saying they had breached his instructions, and dispatched a fact-finding team to look into the incident and undertook to bring before a military court those officers found to have opened fire. He said thirty injured people were being treated at the Caritas hospital in Timika and a nearby Freeport facility, to which some had been taken by helicopter.157

Yosepha Alomang, Isak Onawame, Hiskia Merarabayan, Bruno Piligame, Marlon Tahrin, as well as two German journalists, were detained and questioned, but then promptly released.158

123 Flags were raised in the cities of Jayapura, Sentani, Serui, Manokwari, Nabire, Meruake and Sorong, in two towns in the district of Fak-Fak, and in the Tiom and Bokondini subdistricts of Jayawijaya province. In the towns of Wamena and Biak, flags were not raised but large gatherings took place.

124 "Rakyat Papua Bergolak, Kepemimpinan Tak Jelas, Penguasa Malas Tahu," November 19, 1999, ELSHAM press release.

125 "500 Warga Papua Barat Tuntut Referendum," Suara Pembaruan Daily, November 10, 1999.

126 "Rakyat Papua Bergolak, Kepemimpinan Tak Jelas, Penguasa Malas Tahu," November 19, 1999, ELSHAM press release.

127 "Kapolda Irja Izinkan Bendera Nintang Kejora Dikibarkan 1 Desember," Suara Pembaruan Daily, November 16, 1999.

128 Those expressing alarm included the Reverend Phil Erari of the Indonesian Council of Churches "Rakyat Irian Jangan Terpancing Provokasi," Suara Pembaruan, November 19, 1999, and Team of 100 member Dicky Iwanggin and Pastor Nato Gobay from Biak, "Masyarakat Biak Numfor Diserukan Tolak Kibarkan Bendera Papua," Suara Pembaruan, November 18, 1999.

129 "Rakyat Papua Bergolak, Kepemimpinan Tak Jelas, Penguasa Malas Tahu," November 19, 1999, ELSHAM press release.

130 "Wagub Irja Minta Semua Pihak Tahan Diri Soal Pengibaran Bendera OPM," Kompas, November 22, 1999; Gereja-Gereja Kristen Protestan dan Katolik di Irian Jaya Pernyataan Sikap dan Seruan Bersama, November 29, 1999.

Suara Pembaruan reported a 50 percent increase in departures on Pelni passenger ships in the week before December 1, suggesting that some, most likely non-Papuans, were worried about potential violence. "Secara Bergantian Demonstran Itu Berorasi Menuntut Kemerdekaan Bagi Papua," Suara Pembaruan, November 29, 1999.

131 "Fachrul Razi Wakil Panglima TNI, Suaidi Marasabesi Kasum TNI," Suara Pembaruan, November 4, 1999.

132 "Kasad: Jangan Kibarkan Bintang Kejora, Irja Bagian RI," Suara Pembaruan, November 26, 1999.

133 "Hasil Dialog Kappolda dengan Pemimpin Papua Masih dirahasiakan," Suara Pembaruan, November 29, 1999.

134 Pengumuman, November 27, 1999, signed by Freddy Numberi and Nathaniel Kaiway.

135 "Situation in West Papua leading towards 1 December 1999," ELSHAM, November 30, 1999.

136 Gereja-Gereja Kristen Protestan dan Katolik di Irian Jaya Pernyataan Sikap dan Seruan Bersama, November 29, 1999.

137 "Tokoh Irja Bertemu untuk Amankan 1 Desember," Suara Pembaruan Daily, November 25, 1999; "Hasil Dialog Kappolda dengan Pemimpin Papua Masih dirahasiankan," Suara Pembaruan, November 29, 1999.

138 "Disiapkan 2,000 Satgas Amankan Pengibaran Bintang Kejora, Polda Irja Siapkan Pengamanan Khusus," Suara Pembaruan, November 27, 1999

140 According to a Reuters reporter in Jayapura, 20,000 people attended. "20,000 demand Irian Jaya independence," South China Morning Post, December 1, 1999.

143 ELSHAM, the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Jayapura, which had observers monitoring all the flag-raisings, put the number of participants at 800,000. The entire population of the province is around two million. "Hasil Monitoring Aksi Pengibaran Bendera Papua Barat 1 Desember 1999 Seluruh Papua Barat," Report ELSHAM per Desember 1999, Dokumentasi Awal.

144 Letter from Dr. Agus Sumule, a professor at Universitas Cenderawasih's School of Agriculture in Manokwari, December 1, 1999. Used with his permission.

145 In Nabire, the only other exception, demonstrators did not lower the flag until several weeks later, but there was no attempt by the authorities to lower it by force.

146 Yosepha Alomang, 48, is a well known Papuan activist. She is the lead plaintiff in a civil lawsuit against Freeport brought in the Louisiana state court system in 1996. In 1998, accompanied by Rev. Isak Onawame, she held a press conference outside the home of Freeport CEO James Robert Moffett in New Orleans to protest what she described as the company's unredressed and continuing abuses. She and Rev. Onawame also testified at a May 1998 U.S. Congressional briefing in Washington, D.C. regarding human rights abuses in Indonesia and East Timor.

On October 28, 1994 Alomang was dragged from her home by soldiers conducting anti-OPM operations in the area. The soldiers reportedly believed her to be the wife of guerrilla commander Kelly Kwalik. (Her husband, in fact, is Markus Kwalik.) For two weeks she was incarcerated in a bathroom. The incident was first documented by Bishop of Jayapura Mgr Herman Munninghoff OFM in an August 1995 report.

On December 10, 1999, Alomang was awarded a Yap Thiam Hien award by the Center for the Study of Human Rights (Yayasan Pusat Studi Hak Asasi Manusia, or Yapusham) in Jakarta. The prize, named after one of Indonesia's most beloved and respected human rights lawyers, has been awarded annually since 1992 to human rights workers "who resist the militaristic and repressive policies of New Order Indonesia." Alomang was recognized for her work on behalf of tribal rights in Irian Jaya.

147 "Komnas HAM sesalkan jatuhnya korban di Timika," laporan Asep Salahudin Samboja, Satunet.com, December 2, 1999.

148 Human Rights Watch telephone interview, December 2, 1999; "Timika Berdarah," a report by the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Irian Jaya, December 12, 1999; Andrew Kilvert, "Police open fire on separatists," Sydney Morning Herald, December 3, 1999.

149 "Timika Berdarah," a report by the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Irian Jaya, December 12, 1999.

150 "Massa Bentrok dengan Aparat di Timika, 55 Luka-Luka," Suara Pembaruan, December 3, 1999.

151 "Timika Berdarah," a report by the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Irian Jaya, December 12, 1999.

156 Andrew Kilvert, "Police open fire on separatists," Sydney Morning Herald, Dec 3 1999.

157 "Police chief apologizes for shootings," South China Morning Post, December 4,1999.

158 National News, Jakarta Post, December 3, 1999. Fearful immigrants reportedly fled to the Hotel Serayu Timika and an army facility where tents were erected. A Batak priest was beaten behind the hotel, though it was not clear whether the incident was directly related. "Massa Bentrok dengan Aparat di Timika, 55 Luka-luka," Suara Pembaruan, December 3, 1999; "Timika Berdarah," a report by the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in Irian Jaya, December 12, 1999.

REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN WEST PAPUA BY HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

V. CRACKDOWN FOLLOWING THE OPENING OF THE NATIONAL DIALOGUE

VI. RIGHTS VIOLATIONS FOLLOWING FLAG-RAISINGS IN SORONG AND GENYEM

VII. PUBLIC MOBILIZATION AGAINST DIVISION OF THE PROVINCE

VIII. DECEMBER 1 FLAG-RAISINGS AND THE CLASH IN TIMIKA

The Clash in Timika