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West Papua Dateline 23/2/00

Reporter: Matthew Carney

This is the anniversary of independence lost. In 1961 the Dutch had prepared and granted the West Papuans their nationhood. But by 1969 Indonesia had taken it from them. For decades the West Papuans have paid the price for struggling against Indonesia rule. At least 50 000 have lost their lives. This was a rare opportunity to mourn together for their brothers and sisters who had been killed by the Indonesian military But there was reason to celebrate. For the thousands of West Papuans and their leaders a new battle for independence has begun - from armed resistance in the jungles to peaceful protest and diplomacy in the towns and villages. And what was significant was that Indonesian authorities tolerated this dissent. Here in Jayapura 2 months ago there was no machine gun fire or late night arrests.

Chief Theys Eluway led the days proceedings. He is the recently anointed spiritual leader of West Papua and part of the evolving civil leadership "What further steps do you think the leaders should take? After we have a commitment from Indonesia, the next step is to continue the dialogue or negotiations, to keep moving them forward, so that sooner or later if Indonesia does not restore our rights to us we believe that God will do something to them."

For almost 40 years the world has only seen and heard of the OPM guerillas fighting in the bushes for independence. But now a civil leadership has emerged that has rejected violence and embraced negotiation as the way to independence. The opportunity for such a movement came with the downfall of Suharto and the transition to democracy. Its only now the movement is developing momentum. The civil leadership are on their way to meet Indonesian Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri to hold talks about self rule.

Willy Mandowen is a central figure who is trying to structure and focus the many groups competing for a voice. "We work through traditional leaders, religious leaders, student movements. We are at the beginning stage of selecting the right people for the right leadership.' Tom Beanal is a key leadership contender who came to prominence by winning concessions for his Omunggme people from the giant US owned Freeport mine. They were given only 12 hours notice before the meeting with megawati. A tactic they say is designed to confuse them. "We will not surrender to Indonesia's might We can we sure of that. The people are the ones who should choose, not us. We don't even know who rules here. We didn't know. We just got the tickets from the airport. We were sent here like goats." At this stage the most crucial challenge for the civil leadership is to forge unity out of many factions fighting for the same goal. If they don't, Indonesia's strategy of divide and rule will neutralize any progress towards independence. Unity is a task made more difficult by the vast geography that has created 250 separate tribal groups. "We need to be of one mind, one emotion, so we have one vision and one mission, so people will realise we are Papuans. Otherwise they will see us as separate ethnic groups fighting for our own cause and this mustn't happen. The people of West Papua want independence. It's not just me who wants it.."

For the meeting with Megawati Willy Mandowen decides they should present a collective leadership of fifteen. "This is also a struggle for democratic equality. So I feel you need to understand that we must discuss everything before he public." At the venue of the conference in Biak Megawati's entourage arrives - five Indonesian government ministers, top military brass, and numerous intelligence personal. Behind the riot police West Papuans show up in support of their leaders. The last time they held a protest in July 1998 at least 26 were massacred by Indonesian forces. "We don't won't to die from Indonesian soldier. They kill a lot of Papuan people. We don't want kill again...we want one thing freedom." Inside their hotel room as Willy Manbowen and Tom Beanal prepare to meet Megawati they learn that she is only going to give them half an hour of her time. "You're given half an hour dialogue? -yes and one hour is her monologue. That's why we think the mechanism of the meeting is not very democratic . We think the people should have a chance to express something" "Where does it leave you? Where does it leave the movement? -There is a need for international organisations to get involved motivating a more genuine and democratic dialogue. "Without international pressure they won't do anything?" -it seems so." Soon after this I was by detained intelligence personal and stopped from filming. But for the team of 15 the message from Megawati was clear - Independence is not an option. The fundamental problem for the independence leadership is that the Indonesians have colonized West Papua very effectively. Indonesia controls the economy and has entrenched its culture in the heartland of Melanesia. In 1971 Indonesians made up only 4% of the provinces population and today people born outside of the province make up nearly 50%. If a referendum on Independence was held today it is uncertain which way it would go. With the pressure on for independence Indonesia is securing its territory. We are on our way to Arso, a transmigration camp of about 30 000, near the border with Papua New Guinea. Like 20 other sites across West Papua the Indonesians have taken tribal lands, cleared them and sponsored landless Javanese to come and settle.

Muswardi and his family are the latest to arrive at Arso. They were among 500 families who came last March from Central Java. "Life is much easier here than in Java. After accepting our land allocation here we've been able to grow food. Anything we plant here is able to grow. I ncomparison, life is hard in Java. It's very heavily populated. We are part of transmigration. We're here to change our fortunes.." Spontaneous migration is also fast making West Papuans a minority in their own land. Not just the Javanese who came for government jobs and the commerce but the migrants who have flooded in from surrounding provinces. This group of fisherman came from Sulewasi 3 months ago, refugees from Indonesia's economic crisis. "Life here is quite good. I have enough money to eat. The conditions are quite good too." This flow is increasing with religious troubles in nearby provinces like Maluku In economic terms Indonesia cannot afford to let West Papua go. Its massive mineral wealth and forest resources provide billions of dollars to Jakarta in hard currency. To lose West Papua would challenge Indonesia's financial viability. "Indonesia has a very big debt. In order to pay off that debt the Indonesian government must invest in Papua. So Papua becomes the security for Indonesia's debt. Mines and forests will pay off Indonesia's debt. All that is taken from Papua. So it is difficult economically for Indonesia to release Papua." Yali is the only organisation fighting the forests of West Papua. They believe independence is the only way to stop Indonesia plundering the largest tracts of rainforest outside the Amazon. The Indonesian government has already sold half of West Papua's rainforest for logging rights. And they use the might of the Indonesian military to squash any objections from the landowners. The logging area Yali is visiting here is run by a company called Hanurata. Haj Probo Suetedjo the brother of ex president Suharto owns the company along with Indonesian army Generals Demianus Lambertus is one of the landowners. He says the company has given nothing to him or his community since it started operations in 1983.

DEMIANUS: "I'm angry but they don't care. I asked for money, as the owner, but I got nothing" The military has forcibly moved Demianus and his family three times to make room for logging operations. He has recently been beaten for a fourth time.

DEMIANUS: "What happened with the army? It was about a car. The car belonged to the community. The army was using it without paying for it. They used it for a few months. We said it was for public use and asked for some money. Where was their payment for the vehicle? They used it for 3 months. When I insisted they beat me. John Rumbiack has devoted his life to keeping West Papua on the international agenda. He believes the case for independence can be won because West Papua was illegally transferred to Indonesia in 1969. The act of free choice, sponsored by the United Nations allowed the Indonesians to choose only one thousand Papuans to vote out of a population of one million.

RUMBIACK: "If the historically part is acknowledged then the West Papuan case has to be taken back to the UN. It's the only way to resolve the case of West Papua." Rumbiack says like the Portuguese in East Timor, the former colonial power in West Papua the Dutch will play a crucial role in bringing West Papua's case to world attention. The Dutch government is opening an inquiry into the act of free choice and is looking at ways to push the case before the European Union and United Nations. To strengthen their international image and provide a rallying point for domestic unity the West Papuans are holding a Papuan Congress later this week to pick a national leader.

WILLY: " When people have a sense of togetherness regardless of religion or any other discrimination people will stand together and fight for the truth in a peaceful way." But the leadership face an immediate problem. The freedom of association and expression crucial to develop the independence movement is controlled by the Indonesian authorities. And a crackdown may have already started. Chief Theusy is now in court on charges of rebellion for his Independence activities. A verdict is expected next month In the wilds of the border between Papua New Guinea and Indonesia the OPM is also undergoing a transition. For 35 years they have survived and fought an Indonesian army thousands of times their size. They are a powerful symbol of resistance all over West Papua. Although they rarely, if ever, have contact with the civil leadership in the townships Indonesian repression instead has forged a common identity and cause.

WENDE: "For too many years people have been sacrificed. Lives as well as riches from the land of West Papua have been lost to Indonesia. Socially, this race has been destroyed. So we Melanesians of West Papua have that inspiration. We don't want people of a different skin colour killing and taking from us." Mathius Wende is the Northern Commander of OPM or Free West Papua movement. He has trekked for four weeks to meet for the first time the two OPM leaders from the Southern Command, Colonel John and Bernard Mawen. While Mathius Wende awaits the meeting he leads the celebrations for West Papuan national day with his supporters. The meeting to take place in several days will be a watershed for the OPM. It will forsake the bloody factionalism of the past and usher in a new command structure and political program for the future.

WENDE: "That is why I have travelled to meet them at this place. I need the unity of the people of Papua that's why I am here" But at the last minute, as Wende prepares to travel down river for the meeting with Colonel John and Bernard Mawen there is a problem. The OPM have learnt that the Indonesian military have found out about the planned meeting. They are forced to delay it. The risk is too great. If the three senior leaders of the OPM were caught or killed it would cripple the movement. But as soon as the risk from the Indonesian military subsides and without Mathius Wende we travel downstream to meet Colonel John to hear what the OPM's new direction is. Formulating the OPM's new structure and political program has been Colonel Johns life's work. Colonel John knows the OPM cannot win militarily so politics has to be the frontline of the struggle. The first stage is political education - to teach all the tribes of West Papua the importance of independence and the concept of a nation.

JOHN: "Unity is very important. Because during the past 35 years of our struggle we have not been able to retaliate because we have lacked the unity to do so. Each territory of West Papua fights its own battles..// 32.50 It is the lack of political education that results in factions. With the lack of political education regionalism is the result. If we promote political education I believe we can build a strong sense of nationalism as in Aceh and East Timor." The OPM's new program involves more internal democracy, increased communications between the regions and self reliance.

JOHN: "I don't think our independence is an issue to be questioned. If we , the people of West Papua, can unite and gather resources, be it manpower or other resources I don't think it will be difficult. East Timor, a small country, could eventually drive Indonesia to the brink and gain independence. West Papua is a vast land where strategy is spreading. But we have not united and made good use of that" About a month after I left and when it was safe the three leaders did meet. After a week of intense discussions and in the early hours of the morning they declared factionalism dead and embraced the new political program. Mathius Wende was named as Commander in chief of military affairs and Bernard mawen as his deputy. Colonel John was officially accepted as Commander in Chief of Political affairs. The next step for the independence movement of West Papua is for civil leadership and the OPM to come together. The greatest challenge is to overcome an Indonesian government which desperately wants to hold onto West Papua. To do this the West Papuans must convince the world to help them.

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