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Pacific
Concerns Resource Centre Inc. In the 1960s, West Papuans were studying at the Fiji School of Medicine and Pacific Theological College. Growing from the Malua Conference of Churches and Missions in Samoa in 1961, Pacific churches worked together to found the Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC). At the founding meeting of the PCC, one of the church delegations came from Dutch New Guinea and the Evangelical Christian Church (Gereja Kristen Injili - GKI). GKI Church leaders Reverend Kabel and Reverend Maloali joined fellow Christians from around the region to establish the regional ecumenical body. Historically, culturally and geographically, West Papua has always been part of Melanesia and the wider Pacific region. But, as in many Pacific countries, the people of West Papua have been separated from other Pacific islanders by colonial lines drawn on the map. West Papua has been under Indonesian control since the 1962 New York Agreement and the 1969 Act of Free Choice. For many years, Indonesia has regarded the western half of the island of New Guinea as the province of Irian Jaya ˜ for the West Papuan nationalist movement, the Indonesian takeover in the 1960s has not ended their right to self-determination This briefing paper sets out information on current developments in West Papua, which has moved onto the international stage in recent months. There are rapid changes following the collapse of the Suharto regime, the August 1999 vote for independence in East Timor, conflict in Aceh and Maluku (the South Moluccas), and increasing mobilisation on the ground in West Papua. The question of West Papua raises many sensitive issues regarding the sovereignty of Indonesia and the security concerns of neighbouring states such as Australia and Papua New Guinea. But it is an issue of increasing importance, and there is a likelihood of further conflict, possibly leading to human rights atrocities as occurred in Timor in 1999. PCRC believes that the issue of West Papua will take on increasing importance in the coming months. We would request that this important issue be placed for discussion on the agenda of regional organisations such as the Pacific Conference of Churches, the Melanesian Spearhead Group and the Pacific Islands Forum meeting in Kiribati in October 2000. We are happy to provide further documents and background information as required. This briefing paper addresses recent developments in West Papua. It does not cover all aspects of the West Papua issue, but highlights key developments including:
a) The Indonesian takeover of West Papua West Papua forms the western half of the island of New Guinea, sharing a land border with the independent nation of Papua New Guinea, and ocean border with Australia The indigenous people of West Papua are of the same ethnic origin as those in the eastern half of the New Guinea island, and are also related ethnically and culturally to other Melanesian peoples of the Pacific. Indigenous West Papuan cultures differ greatly from those of the rest of Indonesia, and West Papua was 85 per cent Christian before being annexed by predominantly Muslim Indonesia. There are about 250 different West Papuan tribal groups (including Dani, Asmat, Ekri, Moi and Amungme), with more than 250 different languages spoken in the population of 2.3 million. West Papua has vast reserves of natural resources, including timber, minerals, oil and fisheries. The giant Freeport mine in the Grasberg mountains, managed by a subsidiary of the US corporation Freeport-McMoran, is one of the largest producers of gold and copper in the world. In 1883, the island of New Guinea was partitioned by three Western powers (the Netherlands claimed the western half, while Britain and Germany divided the east). The Republic of Indonesia was created in 1949 when the Netherlands granted independence to the colonised people of the Dutch East Indies. Dutch New Guinea however due to its distinct Melanesian population and cultural characteristics, was retained as a colony by the Dutch. During the 1950s, the Netherlands government made some moves to prepare the country for independence. In May 1961, the New Guinea Council was installed through democratic elections (one person, one vote). Its first decision was to work toward the creation of an independent Papuan state by 1970. The Council also decided on a national anthem, a national flag, and the name of the country: West Papua. West Papuan nationalists declared the country a sovereign state on 1 December 1961, raising the Morning Star flag which has become a symbol of nationalist pride and cultural identity. On the flag, the white Morning Star symbolises the light and the hope for a new day, a new era. The star is embedded in a red field symbolising the blood shed by the Papuan people in their struggle for self-determination. The stripes are blue and white and stand for the ocean and the land respectively. Meantime, Indonesia vigorously pursued its claim to the territory. Indonesiaís President Sukarno consistently maintained Indonesiaís claim to all former Dutch territory and armed conflict ensued from 1962. Under pressure from the United States, the Dutch government agreed to secret negotiations, which did not involve representatives of the West Papuan people. On 15 August 1962, an agreement was concluded in New York between the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Republic of Indonesia. Under the agreement, the Netherlands were to leave New Guinea and transfer sovereignty to the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority (UNTEA) for a period of six years, after which a referendum on the future of the country was to be held. In 1963, however, Indonesia forcefully took over administration from UNTEA after only seven months. In the period between 1963 and 1969, an estimated 30,000 people were killed by the Indonesian armed forces. b) The 1969 Act of Free Choice The 1969 Act of Free Choice confirmed Indonesiaís takeover of West Papua, which had commenced in 1962-3, and saw the territoryís incorporation into the Indonesian Republic as the Province of Irian Jaya. Indonesia today argues that the people of West Papua cannot vote for decolonisation because a choice was made in 1969. But West Papuan nationalists dismiss the 1969 act as a sham and have called on the United Nations and the international community to review Indonesiaís takeover in 1969. They contend that they have yet to exercise a right to self-determination guaranteed by Indonesia, the Netherlands and the United Nations in 1962. The current demands for independence coincide with the release of documents by the United Nations, the Netherlands and other countries that appear to support the Papuans' argument (academic John Saltford has recently completed a doctoral thesis at Cornell University, which analyses these documents on the UN handover of Irian Jaya to Indonesia.) Under the 1962 terms, the Dutch agreed to hand Papua over to a temporary UN administration on condition that self-determination would take place, ''in accordance with international practice,'' within six years ˜ but the United Nations could transfer power to Indonesia beforehand. The temporary administration pulled out after seven months, and Jakarta took over in May 1963. When the United Nations returned in 1968 to prepare for the ''act,'' the Papuans had experienced five years of Indonesian rule. An American diplomat noted that the Indonesians had ''tried everything from bombing to shelling and mortaring, but a continuous state of semi-rebellion persists.'' From the start, Jakarta declared that a referendum was impractical because the people were ''primitive.'' Bolivian official Ortiz Sanz, head of the UN mission to Irian Jaya, agreed. He proposed a "mixedí system with direct voting in the towns and some form of ''collective consultation'' elsewhere. This, he told the authorities, was ''the minimum requirement to satisfy world public opinion.'' Jakarta disagreed and announced that ''collective consultation'' would be adopted throughout the territory. Publicly, the UN secretary-general U Thant refused to endorse the decision, but documents indicate that senior UN and Dutch officials had privately agreed to this as early as 1963. There was little international sympathy for the Papuans. A British diplomat wrote in 1968 that he could not imagine the US, Japanese, Dutch or Australian governments ''putting at risk their economic and political relations with Indonesia on a matter of principle involving a relatively small number of very primitive people.'' In a letter to UN headquarters Mr. Sanz said that ''only a very insignificant percentage of the population is capable of or has interest in any political actions or even thoughts.'' In the UN Secretary-General's official report on the so-called act of self-determination, the UN Secretariat said the majority of Papuan petitions sent to Mr. Sanz supported Indonesia. Declassified UN documents now show this to be untrue. In July and August 1969, 1,025 Papuan representatives were gathered together to vote in front of officials, diplomats and a few foreign journalists. Entertainment was provided as Indonesian officials were paraded shoulder high by Papuans in a carefully rehearsed display of loyalty. Afterward the authorities announced that the result was a unanimous decision by the people to join Indonesia. West Papuans often refer to the Act of Free Choice as the "Act of No Choice". The referendum was deeply compromised, and cannot be regarded as a true act of self-determination:
19 November 1969 saw the passage of United Nations General Assembly resolution 2504 (XXIV) on West Papua. On that day, the UN General Assembly took note of the report of UN Special Rapporteur Ortiz Sanz about the so-called "Act of Free Choice" in West Papua. The UN Secretary-General's report concluded that an act of free choice had taken place in accordance with ''Indonesian practice.'' Despite Mr. Sanzís reservations about the conduct of the vote, the General Assembly simply voted to ''take note'' of the outcome, without formally endorsing it. West Papua was removed from the list of non-self-governing territories with the UN Decolonisation Committee. With that, the United Nations ended its responsibilities toward Papua. On 11 December 1999, the Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs, J.J. Van Aartsen, informed the Netherlands Parliament that he has no objection against a historical re-examination into the handover of sovereignty of the former Dutch New Guinea. It remains to be seen whether the United Nations will follow suit and review a discreditable chapter in its history. c) Growing West Papuan nationalist sentiment In subsequent years, the Indonesian government enforced its rule against the wishes of the indigenous population. Through a program of transmigration, Indonesia brought many poor Indonesian farmers from Sulawesi, Java and other islands, causing clashes with indigenous Melanesian landowners. The West Papuan guerrilla movement Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) commenced a long-running struggle against the Indonesian regime of former President Suharto. The period from the 1960s to the 1990s has been marked by human rights abuses by the Indonesian armed forces, where tens of thousands of people have died. Independent international agencies like Amnesty International have documented cases of extra-judicial executions, disappearances, torture and arbitrary detention of civilians by the Indonesian armed forces. In 1984, major clashes between the OPM and the Indonesian authorities led to an estimated 10,000 refugees crossing the border into neighbouring Papua New Guinea, following an earlier generation of West Papuan activists who fled to Papua New Guinea in the 1960s. There has long been strong opposition to Indonesian rule in West Papua, shown in a variety of forms: the music and cultural performances of murdered intellectual Arnold Ap and the group Mambasek; the decades long guerrilla struggle of the OPM; organising in Catholic and Protestant church networks to document human rights abuses; campaigns by community groups like LEMASA amongst the Amungme people, to challenge the environmental pollution caused by the Freeport mine. But calls for independence have long been criminalised by the Indonesian regime, with the jailing and killing of people for raising the West Papuan flag. The Morning Star flag was first raised on 1 December 1961, at the time the country was still a colony of the Netherlands. After Indonesiaís annexation in the 1960s, the Morning Star flag was banned. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Indonesian authorities opposed any use of this symbol of Melanesian identity and a desire for self-determination. West Papuan nationalist Thomas Wainggai was jailed for twenty years after raising the flag in 1986. During 1999, however, flagraisings and other expressions of pro-independence sentiments became commonplace. More people are no longer afraid to openly call for self-determination and independence, as shown by incidents in many parts of the country in 1999-2000. On 1 December 1999, tens of thousands of people rallied around West Papua to watch the Morning Star flag being raised in towns and villages around the country. The ceremony marked the thirty-eighth anniversary of the declaration of West Papuan independence from the Netherlands. In Jakarta, 200 West Papuans and their supporters marched to the Indonesian Parliament complex calling for self-determination. Protestors carried placards reading "Autonomy, federalism, No! Independence, Yes!" and "West Papuan women have no freedom". d) Team 100 presents demands to President Habibie On 26 February 1999 there was a significant meeting between former Indonesian President B.J. Habibie and one hundred West Papuan church, community and tribal leaders. In an unprecedented public expression of pro-independence sentiment, this "Team One Hundred" clearly stated their desire for self-determination and independence. Before the meeting, church and NGO leaders had been calling on the Indonesian regime to enter dialogue with the West Papuan nationalist movement, following the Biak massacre in July 1998 (at least eight were killed by the Indonesian armed forces, with three disappeared, 33 wounded and 150 taken into custody after a peaceful crowd unfurled the Morning Star flag). On 11 September 1998, the head of the National Task Force on Irian Jaya of the Indonesian Council of Churches, Dr. Phil Erari, met with the then President Habibie. He proposed "dialogue with the President to discuss the impact of national development for the people of Irian Jaya and problems concerning human rights violations, politics, law enforcement, economy, socio-cultural aspects, religion and history". As for East Timor, Indonesia is under pressure from the United States and European Union to address West Papuan aspirations. In a letter on 25 February 1999, five American Congressmen urged Habibie to launch ''a genuine process of dialogue as the most constructive means of resolving the long-standing and ongoing human rights problems in Irian Jaya''. They asked him to release West Papuan activists jailed for peaceful expressions of their desire for independence. After the December 1998 World Council of Churches (WCC) General Assembly in Harare Zimbabwe, the ecumenical movement sent a delegation to West Papua to investigate human rights concerns. The delegation called for national dialogue where the people of West Papua can freely express their concerns, demands, expectations and aspirations for the country. Following two preparatory meetings, the Indonesian President and senior officials held a closed-door meeting with delegates from West Papua at the Merdeka Presidential Palace in Jakarta on 26 February 1999. The hundred-strong West Papuan delegation included officials, tribal and religious leaders and representatives of women, intellectuals and non-government organisations. Together with President Habibie, the Indonesian regime was represented by senior defence and military leaders, including then Defense Minister General Wiranto and Irian Jaya Governor Freddy Numbery. Tom Beanal, chairperson of LEMASA (a community organisation of the Amungme people who live near the giant Freeport copper mine), presented the opening statement from the West Papuan delegation. Beanal read out a declaration signed by the West Papuan delegates, which clearly stated that "the people of West Papua want to separate ourselves from the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, to be fully sovereign and independent among other nations in the world". Astonished, Habibie put aside the speech he had prepared for the meeting. Fifteen other West Papuan speakers followed Beanalís opening presentation, reaffirming their support for independence. The statements show a clear shift in political opinion in West Papua. One of the speakers was Hermanus Wayoi, who served in the Papuan Battalion in World War Two, and supported integration with Indonesia in the 1960s. In his speech, he called on the Indonesian government to immediately transfer administration to West Papuans to allow them to determine their own future. e) Papuan Peopleís Consultation - February 2000 During the year 2000, there have been two important meetings that have brought together West Papuan representatives from around the country and exile communities in Europe, Australia and the Pacific. The first West Papua congress held in the Indonesia-occupied territory between 23 - 26 February 2000 rejected the outcome of the 1969 Act of Free Choice. The four-day meeting ˜ known as Musyawarah Besar Papua 2000 (Mubes) was attended by over 200 supporters in Sentani, Port Numbay (Jayapura) and ran peacefully under the watchful eyes of local security personnel from the Satgas Papua. An important communiquè came from the meeting signed on behalf of the Assembly by Theys Hiyo Eluay, Tom Beanal and representatives coming from the districts, representing political prisoners and overseas delegates from Papua New Guinea and the Pacific. The statement stresses the consensus of the meeting:
The statement issued by the Grand Assembly said: "The people of West Papua regret and regard as unlawful the transfer of sovereignty of the people of West Papua from the Dutch, through the intermediary of the United Nations to the Indonesians on 31 October 1963. This transfer took place without the agreement of the people of West Papua and the West Papua National Council which had the power and the authority to determine the fate of the people of West Papua; this power and authority was arbitrarily ignored in the New York Agreement concluded on 15 August 1962." "This press communiquè is respectfully submitted to the Indonesian government, the Dutch government and the United Nations as the parties that obliterated the political rights of the people of West Papua. It is also being made available to the nations and states of the world to enable them to understand our reasons and to give us their support." While Papuan leaders have welcomed President Abdurrahman Wahid's increasing attention on Papua, this has not lessened demands for independence. Wahid's offer of an autonomy package for Papua has been rejected, but leaders say the struggle for independence will be fought peacefully. A major focus of the Congress was the call to "rectify history", and to analyse the integration of Papua into Indonesia. The Congress participants decided to set up a Papuan Presidium Council, which was asked to prepare for a bigger Congress in May. The Presidium comprises tribal, women, youth and student leaders as well as local scholars and foreign delegations. The Congress elected Theys Eluay and Tom Beanal as chief executives of the Papuan Presidium Council, with Herman Awom (religion) Benny Giyai (professions) and Franzalbert Joku (tradition) as moderators. The 18-member Presidium includes representatives of churches, women, customary landowners, former political prisoners, students, youth and the professions. f) Second Papuan Peopleís Congress - May/June 2000 A further meeting was then organised to discuss the issue of a transitional government for the country - the Second Papuan People's Congress. Over 3000 West Papuans attended the second Congress, between 29 May and 4 June 2000 in the capital Port Numbay (Jayapura), including representatives from the central government and provincial administration, Papuan leaders living in exile, supporters of the OPM as well as observers from Aceh and Riau. Pro-independence activists say organising a popular Congress inside West Papua is a strong political statement, which reaffirms that Papuans reject forced integration with Indonesia and question the illegal hand-over of their sovereignty. The National Congress issued a Declaration of Independence on 4 June 2000. Independence activists stressed West Papua has been independent since December 1961 and that the subsequent Indonesian take over was illegal. Congress leader Theys Eluay stated that the West Papuan movement wants to proceed peacefully towards independence. "We want to succeed through dialogue and negotiation. We are determined not to resort to violence". Foreign countries, including those who were allowed to attend the Congress as observers, immediately issued statements condemning the declaration of independence and renewing their support to Indonesia. Australia's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alexander Downer, delivered an official statement recognising Indonesia's territorial integrity and his government's refusal to recognise West Papuan attempts to separate from Indonesia. China, the US, Japan, the Netherlands and the European Union also said they would not recognise Papuan Independence and would not interfere in Indonesia's internal affairs. Other countries have, however, recognised the right to self-determination for people in West Papua. Under Prime Minister Barak Sope, Vanuatu has declared its support for West Papuan independence. In May 1999 and again in May 2000, the President of Nauru, the Hon. Bernard Dowiyogo, has stated Nauruís support. In his May 1999 address to a meeting of the Association of Pacific Island Legislatures President Dowiyogo stated: "As a Pacific neighbour, we should not stay silent on what is currently happening in East TimorÖ Similarly, our brother Melanesians in Irian Jaya are deserving of our support. They have been, after all, cut off from us simply by the vagaries of colonial map-making. We should also give support to their attempt to achieve self-determination and to their interest in joining the South Pacific Forum." The second Papuan Congress has elected an expanded Presidium of 31 members, still headed by Theys Eluay and Tom Beanal. Representatives in Europe, Asia and the Pacific have been elected to carry information about the Congress resolutions to the international community. g) Indonesian policy Indonesia has had a mixed response to the growing nationalist sentiment in West Papua. Since coming to power in October 1999, the new Indonesian Government of President Abdurrahman Wahid has increased development aid, started to investigate human rights abuses and released some West Papuan political prisoners. In December 1999, President Wahid visited Jayapura, and announced the change of name for the province from "Irian Jaya" to "Papua", an acknowledgment of the crisis and West Papuan nationalist sentiment. He also agreed to establish a human rights commission to investigate long-standing human rights abuses conducted by the Indonesian Army and Police. Wahid also originally agreed to open the May 2000 Papuan Peopleís Congress. However, he pulled out at the last minute fearing it would give endorsement to the clear pro-independence sentiments of delegates at the first meeting. Instead he provided one billion rupiah (US$125,000) towards Congress running costs. In contrast, other Indonesian authorities have warned that they will take "stern measures" if West Papuan leaders press ahead with their call for independence. President Wahid at first rejected the Papuan Congress declaration, stating that it was not in line with agreements reached between the Indonesian government and the organising committee. Gus Dur - as he is popularly known in Indonesia - said it was agreed that the Congress could be held to give Papuans a forum to voice their legitimate aspirations for self-government but the question of independence was ruled out. He further claimed that those who wish to remain with Indonesia were not allowed to take part in the Congress, therefore the declaration is not representative of the peoples' will and should not be upheld by the international community. Seven West Papuan leaders met with President Wahid in Jakarta in July 2000 to present the results of the Congress. They stressed that the Congress rejected the 1969 Act of Free Choice and restated that the Papuans gained their independence as a sovereign state on 1 December 1961 with the Declaration of Independence from the Netherlands. The incorporation of the territory into Indonesia was thus flawed and legally null and void (This avoids the act of calling for independence from Indonesia, which is a treasonable act under Indonesian law!). A major concern is that Indonesia will turn to military repression to stem the growing tide in favour of independence. Eight organisers of the May 2000 Congress, including Theys Eluay, face police investigations for treason and secessionism. Indonesian authorities have started to order the lowering of the Morning Star flag, which was flown around the country in 1999-2000. Already, the Indonesian authorities and military are supporting the creation of new anti-independence militias in West Papua, such as the pro-Jakarta Satgas Merah Putih (Red and White Taskforce ˜ the colours of the Indonesian flag). In 1999, this tactic led to massive human rights violations in East Timor, and the death of thousands. Indonesia is also strengthening its military and police presence in the country, with troop numbers increasing from 8,000 to 12,000 in recent months. Media reports from Jakarta state that the Indonesian Navy will soon build a naval base for 3,000 marines in the district of Sorong in West Papua. A navy spokesman in Sorong, Lieutenant Muksin, said the decision to build the naval base also shows that Sorong will be the centre to manage marine bases across West Papua. All 3,000 marines will be deployed across Papua, but 800 of them will be stationed in Sorong. He said the naval base would consist of a combat marine regiment including cavalry, artillery and the navy's special troops. There are also plans, announced in July 2000, to send 2000 troops of the police mobile brigade from Jakarta. In October 2000, thirty people were killed in clashes between West Papuans and transmigrants at Wamena, after Indonesian armed forces killed two people while lowering the Morning Star flag. This tragedy may be repeated around the country unless the international community acts now. Militias armed by Indonesia caused a human tragedy in East Timor in 1999. It is not too late for the international community to act to halt a similar tragedy in West Papua. Melanesian countries, through the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and the wider Pacific community through the Pacific Islands Forum, can play an important role in the peaceful resolution of the current crisis. We would request that this important issue be placed for discussion on the agenda of regional organisations such as the Pacific Conference of Churches, the Melanesian Spearhead Group and the Pacific Islands Forum meeting in Kiribati in October 2000. South Pacific governments can also carry the question of West Papua to international bodies, such as the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonisation and the United Nations Commission of Human Rights. |